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In a time
of Arab-Jewish strife, Abu Gosh is a rare oasis. It’s
a place where Jewish-Muslim ventures thrive and goodwill
toward Israel’s government is a fact of life.
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Courtesy of Abu Gosh Municipality
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Abu Gosh nestles in the Judean hills on the biblical site
of Kiryat Yearim next to the Tel Aviv-Jerusalem road; it
is where the Holy Ark resided before David took it to Jerusalem.
Kibbutz Kiryat Anavim, which Abu Gosh Arabs helped build
in the 1920’s, is to the east and haredi Telz-Stone
flanks it to the west. “We believe in being good neighbors,” says
Salim Jaber, who has been Abu Gosh’s mayor for five
years and is soon up for reelection. “We also believe
in traditional Arab hospitality.”
This accommodating policy has paid off: Abu Gosh thrives
on Jewish business. On Shabbat, when Jerusalem restaurants
close, Jews flock to the town for some of the best hummus
in Israel. Jewish weddings and bar mitzvas take place at
the Bustan, a beautiful green-terraced garden near the mosque.
Abu Gosh is also known for Baroque and Renaissance music
concerts in the fall and spring. On Sukkot, Notre Dame Arche
D’Alliance and the Crusader Church hosted music-lovers
from all over for the Abu Gosh Vocal Music Festival.
Nevet and Amram Dolev, two concert-goers, began coming for
the hummus and continued visiting during the intifada. “We
became friends with many people,” says Nevet, a Tel
Aviv University art historian. “There are also medieval
frescos—the only ones in Israel—in the Crusader
Church, and the Benedictine monks are friendly to both Arab
and Jew.
“Brother Olivier lectures to Israeli soldiers on the
archaeology of the church, and it’s amazing to hear
him talk in Israeli Army slang. He recently returned from
a serious operation in France, and Jews and Arabs were there
to greet him along with the monks and nuns, throwing rice
and singing. It was Muslim-Jewish-Christian ecumenism that
couldn’t be seen anywhere else in the country.’’
In recent years most Israeli Arabs
have felt increasingly alienated, both because of the plight
of Palestinians in
the West Bank and Gaza and perceived government discrimination
to their community (see Feature). But Abu
Gosh provides a model of coexistence. Jewish businesses are
moving
there,
tempted by low municipal taxes. “When the intifada began,” says Jaber, “Israelis stopped coming
for a few months. Business dropped 40 percent. But when they
saw that it was quiet, they came back.” He points proudly
to the Jewish-run Kessel candle factory, a linen store and
a plant nursery.
There are also Jewish-Muslim businesses like that of Jerusalemite
Dorit Cohen-Alloro and Sami Ibrahim, an Abu Gosh-born Muslim.
They have been partners for 10 years, restoring old stone
houses in Jerusalem. “Sami is a master craftsman,” says
Cohen-Alloro. “He was involved with the restoration
of the Old City synagogues. He knows how to work with stone,
and I work with the architects, the clients. He can’t
do the work I do, and I can’t do the work he does.
“We’re an example of real Arab-Jewish coexistence.
And we’re always arguing,” says a laughing Cohen-Alloro,
who has a Ph.D. in Jewish philosophy. “He seems easygoing,
but Sami has the temper of those who live in Abu Gosh. If
he disagrees about something, he’ll throw down his
tools and walk away. [But] I wait a few days and then we
discuss it again. On the other hand, he always calls us after
Ramadan to say that they won’t begin their feast if
my family’s not there.”
The two recently opened a thriving antique shop called Arabesque
in a villa they built in Abu Gosh. It is there, with its
two large showrooms and furniture-packed patio, that Ibrahim
offers guests fresh lemonade and strong Turkish coffee. “My
father Issa Ibrahim [also called Abu Sami] knows the history
of the area best,” he says. “He was here in ’48.”
Abu Sami, a thin man in his seventies,
is happy to talk. He explains that, according to tradition,
the residents originated
from Circassians—non-Arab Muslims from the Caucasus—who
settled in the nearby Ayala Valley in the sixteenth century
and intermarried with local Arabs. They dominated the area
during the Ottoman period, levying taxes. Their subjects
revolted, massacring many of them. Muhtar Abu Gosh survived
and settled farther east, in the area that is today Abu Gosh.
His descendants include four family clans; the two largest
are the Zabers and Abu Sami’s Ibrahims. The two families
comprise the main political parties in the town, and supporters
of Ibrahim candidates often come in and out of the Arabesque
antique shop to discuss the upcoming election.
“Perhaps because of the history of feuding with the
Arabs around us,” Abu Sami reflects, “we allied
ourselves with the Jews...against the British. They say that
Yosef Abu Gosh helped the Herut leader, Geula Cohen, escape
prison. We didn’t participate in the riots during the
30’s and 40’s. We did not join the Arabs from
the other villages bombarding Jewish vehicles in 1947. The
Palmah fought many villages around us. But there was an order
to leave us alone. The other Arabs never thought there would
be a Jewish government here.
“During the first truce of the War of Independence,” he
recalls, “I was on my way to Ramallah to see my father
and uncles, and I was captured by Jordanian soldiers. They
accused me of being a traitor and tortured me for six days.”
Issa Jaber, director of the local department of education
for the past seven years, feels the personal relationships
created with Zionist leaders during the prestate period set
the basis for later cooperation. “We had a perspective
for the future,” he says.
Jaber, who is a cousin of the mayor, went to Ankara, Turkey,
for his bachelor’s and a master’s degree in political
science. Returning to Israel, he became head of the Abu Gosh
High School. “We all feel we chose the right way,” adds
Jaber, who also heads the Association of Tolerance and Coexistence. “But
we’re not disconnected from the political reality.
We have a strong sense of our Arab-Palestinian identity and
we are loyal to the State of Israel. It’s very hard
to walk the thin line that we do.”
Because of the community’s loyalty to Israel, however,
other Arabs look at them with suspicion. “They do not
have a good name,” says Adel Manna, director of The
Center for the Study of Israeli-Arab Society at The Van Leer
Jerusalem Institute. “They’re not trusted. They
tell everyone what they want to hear.”
Abu Gosh residents would protest this. They identify as
Arabs and as Muslims, says Sami Ibrahim. “They are
becoming more religious, but they don’t mix religion
with politics.”
Issa Jaber maintains that “there are other Arabs who
would be good citizens, but Israel has not treated them equally.
It hasn’t created the jobs and raised the level of
education.”
For a long time Abu Gosh was also ignored. “For 20
years we were part of the Judean Hills Council,” explains
Salim Jaber. “There was little improvement in the infrastructure
of the town. Sewage ran in the streets. The roads were bad...schools
were rundown. When Aryeh Deri was minister of the interior,
things changed. He made us an independent municipality. A
government-appointed administration oversaw the running of
the municipality until 1998, when we elected our own government.”
That doesn’t mean that there are no problems. “There’s
high unemployment, especially among the women, because they
don’t go out of the village to work,” says the
mayor.
Ibrahim is also worried about land for future generations. “There’s
no room,” he says. “We must have leaders who
will lobby the government for more land. I’m sure that
the government will find a solution.”
It is clear that the town has absorbed a middle-class ethos
of upper mobility. “Education is our first priority,” says
Issa Jaber. “The biggest transformation is that five
years ago, we had 20 graduates in higher education. Today,
170 students go to college.”
Salim Jaber is proud that residents accomplish things without
resorting to violence. “We know how to use government
channels. We believe in using the courts to get what we want.”
When asked if the youth are not tempted to be more radical,
he points out that Abu Gosh is the only self-contained Arab
settlement within the Green Line near Jerusalem. “They’re
physically disconnected from Israeli Arabs,” he says.
Adds Ibrahim, “I feel respected in the government
offices.... I don’t feel discriminated against.”
Daniel Doron of the Israel Center for Social and Economic
Progress believes Abu Gosh is proof that financial interdependence
can promote peace. “Economic interaction is more powerful
than political divisions,” he wrote in The Wall Street
Journal Europe.
Salim Jaber puts it another way: “We have a saying
in Arabic, ‘Don’t throw stones into the well
that gives you water.’”
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